In the second half of the
reading from Eleana Kim's Adopted
Territory she begins chapter three by delineating the evolving relationship
between Korean adoptees and the state of Korea. She explains that the
government has revamped its method of dealing with adoptees by enacting a new
globalization legislation called segyehwa, "The economic and cultural
segyehwa project opened up new legal provisions for adoptees to travel to Korea
and stay for extended periods of time...the private education sector created economic
opportunities for adoptees to commodify their 'westernization'" (178). The
government even went as far as to expand an effort to conjure up diaspora
through assisting "overseas Koreans with their economic and social status
in their host countries" (179). In expanding the role of ethnicity beyond
the national borders, Korea essentially created a "national identity"
that is "confounded with ethnic identity" (179). For many adoptees,
this posed a challenge to their understandings of their own identities by
pitting their biological ethnicity against their western ways of life. This
also altered the relationship between the adoptee and the
"motherland" in which the Korea became, "a distinctly modern
transnational projection of the nation that naturalizes and sentimentalizes the
presumed to be biological and emotional ties that adopted Koreans must feel for
the nation" (181).
This process of creating a
long distance ethnonationalism is also present in Professors Geraldine Pratt
and Brenda Yeoh's work Transnational
(Counter) Topographies when they explore the efforts of nation states to
expand patriarchal norms through a process that Pratt and Yeoh term "long
distance nationalism" (162). They explain the effects of this "long
distance nationalism" as a way in which nation states with transnational
citizens have extended dual citizenship thusly "reclaiming diaspora in
this way has the effect of redefining the meaning of nation, reviving... the
equation of nation and race: 'blood ties rather than national territory'"
(162). This system has gone on to expand patriarchal symbolism through
“traversing transnational space seems to be a hegemonically masculinized
enterprise where men and women remain complicit in the reproduction of
patriarchy beyond national borders” (162). This is in addition to what Eleana
Kim identifies as the nation state’s abuse of the use of diaspora by throwing
out “the constructivist definition of diaspora in favor of one promoting
cultural nationalism based on a notion of primordialism” (181). In forcing the
notion of the centrality of an ethnic relation to Korea as a central element of
these adoptees identity, the state is expanding nationalism in an effort to
expand investment into an economically struggling Korea. Kim identifies the
specific abuse of the term “diaspora” by noting, “More and more, diaspora
becomes an emotional and ideologically-loaded term that is invoked by disparate
transnational groups as a way to construct broad ethnic coalitions that cut
across national spaces” (182). The political usage of the notion of diaspora
becomes likened to that of ethnicity or identity constructing its own
discursive rhetoric “from which social actors draw to make political claims to
recognition and belonging in both essentilizing and cosmopolitan ways” (182).
Finally, diaspora is used by political actors to accomplish a transnational
politics and process instead of a sense by which individuals expand an
understanding of their own personal identities. Kim concludes on the term, “diaspora
ceases to be a purely descriptive category and instead enters into a
politicized and positioned set of representations.
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