In the first part of Brigg’s text she outlines the
implications of the imperial distribution of prostitution laws in British
India. By creating laws such as the CD Acts, the British government created a
new dimension of classes organized by means of upper-class officers, and the
working class short-term enlisted men. By constructing norms of an upper-class
officer as forming a nuclear family, and the short-term enlisted men as
potential heads of a nuclear family, the CD Acts implemented racial purity that
would essentially provide for a white, English, family. In an effort to further
the means of racial purity, the British imperialists manifested a panic over
syphilis that resulted in the bureaucratization of the monitoring of
prostitutes. By forcing all prostitutes in British India to be registered and
to receive gynecological investigation, the government was able to enforce
class systems within the society surrounding the enlisted men. The prostitutes
became limited in “their mobility to segregated districts…and sometimes
restricting their clients by race” (Briggs, 27). By monitoring and registering
prostitutes, the imperialists were then able to monitor the racial interaction
that took place with men that they would later expect to become the heads of
nuclear families. Out of all of this is the perpetuated idea that it is women
who cause the ailing of Puerto Rico. The Puerto Rican feminist is ignored
because they do not play the part assigned to them by western feminisms, which
deem they must be poor and uneducated. All of this to further the role of the
western feminist as the savior to the Puerto Rican woman, who is adamantly
opposed to colonialism yet prescribes to the belief that it is western
domesticity and liberal democracy that are the solutions to the Third World
status. There is a western narrative of the Puerto Ricans who would never lobby
for birth control and sterilization because of their inability to be a
progressive, their dark complexions, and their primitive ahistorical beliefs.
The same western feminist idea of progress that reduces the Puerto Rican
feminists to a status in which they are not like “real natives” is what
ultimately works against these same western anti-colonialists. These liberal
anti-colonialists who rant about the equality of women ignore Puerto Rican
feminists accomplishments to further the narrative that they are the true
defendants of the future of a Puerto Rican feminism. Those who claim to be
defendants of sexual exploitation and oppression use sexuality as a political
tool. By using
Universalism
of women gives women more political and legal agency. It affords them a status
of a class that must be legally and politically equal. Yet, when these
feminists in the west homogenize the third world woman it is ultimately counterintuitive
in this instance. Because the narrative of a Puerto Rican genocide subconsciously
aligns them with the idea of sterilization and birth control as a genocide that
has been preached against by the Catholic Church and anti-feminists alike. Therefore,
the cost of legal and political agency is a loss of individual identity. At
what point is it clear that the agency granted to one nation of women is at the
cost of the women of another? Is this agency worth the degradation and
political weakness of women in another nation? Can one consider themselves a
feminist to say yes?
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